The key findings and analysis of artistic freedom in Malaysia from the Southeast Asia Artistic Freedom RADAR, 2023 – 2024.
From Socks to Pork: How Everything Got Censored in Malaysia
Introduction
The tone was set in early 2023 by newly-elected Prime Minister Anwar Ibrahim in his pronouncement that the Malaysian government will “never recognise secularism, communism, LGBT.” With the PM now entering his third year of premiership, the dynamics of arts and cultural freedom in Malaysia continues to be a contested and convoluted terrain shaped by volatile ethno-religious polarisations ingrained in its sociopolitical fabric. When Anwar Ibrahim led the Pakatan Harapan coalition to victory during Malaysia’s 15th General Election in 2022, it was seen by many as a turning point, reviving hopes for reform and greater democratic freedoms particularly after years of political instability and authoritarian drift. Yet, this initial optimism has increasingly been tempered by a political marriage of convenience, a delayed reform agenda, and the enduring grip of conservative institutions.
Artistic production continues to be violated through multiple methods, used by a range of different agents. Underlying the 50 cases we collected from 2023–2024 are tensions between state and non-state actors, moral policing, and social anxieties pertaining to censorship discourses. They offer insight into significant nuances and emerging patterns of how challenges to artistic freedom occurred, ranging from the mechanisms of censorship, types of violated contents, the agents involved and broader socio-political implications.
Overview of Cases
The 2023-2024 dataset compiles over 50 documented challenges to artistic freedom. The data differentiated the target types between artwork or event, creator, or presenter. In 35 cases the target was the artwork alone. During this period the average cases recorded are higher at 25 cases annually, compared to the previous 12-year dataset (18+ cases annually). The cases cover a range of art and cultural forms—visual art, performance, and digital media amongst others—underscoring the expansive trend of cultural control throughout the decade.
It is worth highlighting that established art and cultural forms such as films (12 cases), publications (12 cases) and music (9 cases) continue to be targeted, as well as two emerging forms – design and heritage – with 6 cases in each category. Examples in the latter two categories include challenges against Communist-themed tableware, Swatch’s Pride watch collection, pork-based dishes on traditional menus, and instructions from local religious authorities refraining Malay-Muslim involvement in a Joget Lambak dance event.
Interestingly, both non-state and state agents are equally involved in undertaking initial steps in artistic violations, with 25 cases each. Most incidents consisted of a single act of suppression such as raids, bans, public complaints, legal threats, or summonses from Native Courts—with 27 cases falling into this category. In 15 cases, censorship escalated across two steps, often involving a combination of these measures. Notably, a growing number of cases also point to the intervention from non-state actors, which includes netizens, right-wing groups and religious authorities which strategically initiate or amplify censorship in the form of protest, complaint, accusations and calls to boycott.
Continuing on similar trajectories from the past decade, regulatory bodies such as the Film Censorship Board, Central Agency for Application for Filming and Performance by Foreign Artistes (PUSPAL) and municipal councils remain the most activated state-based agents, involved in 10 cases over the two-year period. Educational organisations such as universities and academic think tanks are also actively intervening in the policing process (5 cases), such as during book festivals and academic seminars. Here, we can observe direct and indirect pressures exerted through bureaucratic processes or ambiguous guidelines.
Themes and Contents Targeted
The majority of cases for the past two years fall under the umbrella themes revolving around ‘Religion, morality, tradition’ with a whopping 33 cases and ‘Politics’ involving 6 cases. Here, 12 cases were explicitly cited under specific law and regulations while 38 other cases were not, which highlights the arbitrary and discrete nature of censorship in Malaysia. Having said that, it is pertinent to underline that the Printing Presses and Publications Act 1984, as well as Film Censorship Act 2002, continue to be heavily utilised over the past two years.
With 32 cases being targeted post-production, it also highlights an interesting trend of ‘retrospective’ challenges to several works which have been publicly circulated for more than a year (11 cases). Pertinent examples include the seizure of 8 Chinese-language publications from the bookstore Gerakbudaya and the controversy surrounding Becoming Hannah: A Personal Journey which has been reprinted 18 times since 2014.
Three dominant themes emerge from our findings, that appear to echo PM Anwar’s words that Malaysia will “never recognise secularism, communism, LGBT.”:
- Intensification of Ethno-Religious Polarisations
With the involvement of non-state actors becoming more pronounced, it is worth noting how the public and civil society strategise to intensify complaints and calls to boycott as an evolving method of participatory censorship. Such nuances can be captured through multiple back-to-back cases, particularly involving design-based controversies such as the Allah’s socks fiasco in March, Vern’s shoe soles design to the image of Kaaba on a mat; both in the following month of April, energized by a vigilance against perceptions of ‘secularist’ disrespect towards religious symbols. In these three cases , we can observe how state-based entities, ranging from enforcement agencies, faith-based groups as well as non-arts authorities, are directly involved in the process of confiscations and investigations. These controversies also escalated – multiple cases of petrol bomb attacks to the brick and mortar KK Mart stores were reported alongside the ethnocentric sentiments exhorted online.
Under the Heritage, customs, cultural practices’ category, we can also observe a one-dimensional cultural interpretation of what Malaysian society is which resulted in multiple cultural violations. These range from pork-based dishes paired with traditional cuisines, a directive prohibiting students from wearing traditional attire from other ethnicities and cultures other than their own during Malaysia’s Independence Day celebrations, to the barring of two traditional Tamil songs during an event. They highlight ongoing contestations and the weaponisation of ‘national culture’.
2. Policing Queer Representations
With the theme of ‘Religion, Morality and Tradition recording the highest number of challenges at 33 cases, it is important to discuss that a significant number of cases were directed at materials or events associated with LGBTQ+ representations. Notably, these include the banning and seizure of Swatch’s Pride Collection wristwatches, the full cancellation of Good Vibes Festival after an uproar involving The 1975’s frontman Matt Healy’s onstage criticism of Malaysia’s anti-LGBT laws, crossdressing male performances and the banning of inclusive-themed publications. In a related development, music videos produced by entrepreneur Datuk Aliff Syukri Kamarzaman also instigated a series of controversies. Although he explicitly mentioned his videos are intended as an April Fool’s joke and to celebrate Aidilfitri, the portrayal of suggestive male dancers in spandex jumpsuits paired with traditional Malay attire inevitably landed him in hot water. These incidents reflect an intensified crackdown by the authorities, pandering to political posturing and moral panic, which are often justified under the pretext of “preserving Islamic values” and “protecting public morality and values.”
3. Coping with Historical Amnesia
As Malaysia continues to struggle to come to terms with its multiple histories, particularly pertaining to what is perceived as leftist or socialist themes, any artistic and cultural productions that fall under the vague categories of “communism” were significant recurring targets over the past two years.
Directed by Raja Mukhriz Raja Ahmad, Pagari Bulan is a historical fiction film depicting the anti-fascist war against the Japanese imperial power. It faced cuts from the Film Censorship Board as it was deemed to be “promoting communism.” A noteworthy case involved the repeated targeting of bookstores such as Gerakbudaya. In 2023, the Ministry of Home Affairs seized 8 Chinese-language publications from the independent bookstore in Petaling Jaya, citing alleged “communist elements”. Social activist and writer Benz Ali (founder of independent book store, Toko Buku Rakyat) also faced the risk of criminalisation as a result of his controversial reputation and left-leaning politics. His poem anthology, Koleksi Puisi Masturbasi was confiscated during a raid on his bookstore and was recently banned in 2025. Furthermore, a scheduled book discussion at a university was also cancelled without explanation. It is increasingly common for independent bookstores to be visited and their collections screened by Ministry of Home Affairs officers – as in the case for Balai Ilham and bookseller, Abdul Latip.
These cases reveal how those who dare to create without fear or favour in Malaysia are operating in a climate of heightened risk. Intimidations ranging from online doxxing, removal from online streaming platforms to death threats were faced by the art community for the last two years.
Such were the risks affecting Mentega Terbang, a coming-of-age film directed by Khairi Anwar Jailani and its scriptwriter Arjun Thanaraju. Deemed controversial by some for its questioning of diverse religious traditions, the film was charged with “deliberately wounding the religious feelings of others” under Section 298 of the Penal Code and later banned in September 2023.
While recent years have witnessed a promising growth in Malaysia’s film industry, this has not deterred Amanda Nell Eu’s Tiger Stripes (an award winning film at Cannes Critics’ Week), as well as Badrul Hisham’s critically acclaimed Maryam Pagi ke Malam from facing heavy cuts and cancellations for their local screenings.
Notably, socially and politically engaged artistic productions, be it in the form of visual satire to critique corruption or an exhibition addressing custodial deaths, were directly affected during this period as a result of multiple utilisations of legislative power, as well as arbitrary powers held by the authorities, creating a chilling effect across the cultural sector.
“With everyone making a noise”
Prime Minister Anwar Ibrahim might have appeared to revel in his own rhetoric when he proclaimed that his government will “never recognise secularism, communism, LGBT.” After all, it seems that over the past two years, everything was prone to be policed. Ranging from a racially instigated Facebook post by former Prime Minister Mahathir Mohammad that instigated enforcement officers to remove Chinese language signboards in Kuala Lumpur to the usage of traditional costumes during Independence Day celebrations, the practice of artistic and cultural violation seems to be a crowded place with everyone making a noise. Be it coming from state or non-state agents, the violations tended to be multidirectional; they are no longer top-down only, but also bottom-up, with expansive yet vague jurisdictions and authorities in play.
Multiple intertwined institutions and segments of society have become activated. One such case is the unprecendented summons by Keningau’s Native court in seeking compensation against graphic designer Fahmi Reza, who is accused of insulting Musa Aman, the new governer of Sabah, in his anti-corruption caricature. Apart from that, ethno-religious sentiment has also proved a potent force of online mobilisation, as a strategic tactic to assert populist and ethnocentric demand. The authorities, in treading on thin ice, become more cautious as it has to juggle public expectations for reform and the pressure to navigate a political landscape shaped by ethno-religious sensitivities and the looming influence of the conservative vote bank and its institutions. Recent proposals by the Communications and Digital Ministry to introduce a ‘kill switch’ order for foreign artists’ performances and the introduction of multiple guidelines, such as the Cultural Arts Performance Guideline Book and the Puspal’s guidelines on concerts, prove such a point.
While some artists and cultural practitioners complied swiftly with censorship demands, others demonstrated notable pushbacks to the trend. It is critical to emphasise that a relatively high number of cases (23) received a wide-ranging expression of public support. There are also a number of campaigns recently which attempt to make visible, problematise and create awareness and advocacy around threats to artistic freedom, such as the Freedom Film Network’s Bebaskan Filem (Free The Film), a discussion on the role of independent publishers in challenging censorship, as well as creative solidarity campaigns such as Matahari Book’s #SemangkukMentegaTerbang and Benz Ali’s open source dissemination of the censored poem anthology by its author.
Legislative routes also remain an option though it can be a long, winding process. On that note, it is worthwhile for us to highlight three significant legal challenges by artists and cultural producers over the past two years – which concluded with mixed results: Cheeming Boey’s When I Was A Kid 3 which successfully has it’s ban overturned, the illegal seizure of Swatch rainbow-coloured Pride watches and Mentega Terbang’s failed bid for judicial review.
About the author(s)
Zikri Rahman
Zikri Rahman has consistently embarked on collaborations with diverse arts, cultural and activist groups in various socio-political projects. Currently, Zikri is currently a Researcher for Malaysia, Arts Equator’s Southeast Asian Arts Censorship Database. He is also affiliated with Pusat Sejarah Rakyat, an independent archival research and documentation focusing on Malaysia and Singapore’s people’s history. Through Buku Jalanan; a rhizomatic network of street library movement he co-founded in the year 2011, it focuses on decentralizing and democratising the modes of knowledge and cultural production. With LiteraCity, he initiated Kuala Lumpur’s literary and cultural mapping project. Zikri is also a writer, translator, independent researcher and curator with an MA in Social Research and Cultural Studies from National Yang Ming Chiao Tung University, Taiwan. Through multiple projects and selected publications, he dwells into oral history of Malaysia’s protest movements, critical pedagogy, art and cultural movement / intervention, regional based censorship documentation to the networks of theater practitioners in the inter-Asian context.